Speak up, Mr Howard

August 23, 2005

When it disagrees with America, Australia should say so, writes a leading US Republican, Doug Bereuter.

IT IS quite clear that more questions are now being asked about the benefits and liabilities for Australia's alliance and close relationship with the United States. No doubt some of these questions spring from China's rising power, from the worldwide decline in support for the US because of the Iraq conflict, the violent postwar insurgency in that country and widely perceived American unilateralism. And, of course, terrorist acts perpetrated against countries allied or friendly to America also cause such questions to be asked. Additionally, it is likely that Prime Minister John Howard's recent official visit to Washington has caused our two countries' relationship to receive additional scrutiny in Australia, not totally unrelated to partisan politics.

A respected Australian commentator has said: "It is naive to think that the US and China won't become rivals or that Australia won't have to make choices of some sort between them." I disagree. Australian and American leaders properly insist Australia does not have to choose between China and America — only pursue its national interest as it relates to either.

The next point I could make is that Australia's candid views shared with the US on international affairs generally, but especially on matters related to South-East Asia and the countries of the South Pacific region, would benefit both the US and Australia. It would always be better to have such candour expressed most effectively in private at the highest levels government, and whenever possible, it would often be beneficial for such conversations to include opposition party leaders from both sides of the Pacific. American leaders need to hear Australian leaders when they have different or more nuanced views.

One Australian academic recently put it this way in speaking in general about the desired stance of an Australian Government: "a more critical, less reflexive alliance partner may benefit Australia and the US". I would also add that at a time when the US is seen as increasingly unilateralist in the exercise of its power, there is an even greater reason why the US Government should give greater heed to the views of our closest, most loyal allies.

I think it is fairly obvious that if Australia's good counsel can help America avoid policy errors or to discover and choose the best available option, as America's strong ally Australia can both avoid some of the repercussions of poor American policy choices and avoid being put on the spot to explain why it supports or fails to support a questionable American policy choice. Of course the same candour among close allies also applies in reverse, but America as the global power usually is not reluctant to give allies its candid views and advice.

I know too, and would emphasise for Australians, the fact that your country brings a great deal to the table in interaction with the US because of your greater contact with, and knowledge of, your regional neighbours.

Americans depend perhaps more than you know on Australian intelligence information on your region. Your intelligence is based upon a level of regional interaction, human intelligence sources, and analytical expertise that we usually cannot match. Fortunately our mutual intelligence-sharing and personnel exchanges with Australia are only matched by those the US has with the United Kingdom. It is also noteworthy that your Government recognises that an alliance with the US "gives Australia privileged access to technology and joint training that maintains (your) defence capability and enhances (your nation's) ability to defend (itself)".

As chairman of the Asia-Pacific subcommittee, the most frequent question I was asked by political leaders throughout South-East Asia was whether the US and Americans are committed to maintaining a substantial political, economic, and military commitment to the region.

I also want you to know that I understand that an alliance with the US, even strong, long-term ones like the one with Australia, is a high-maintenance arrangement for our partners. What do I mean? I am admitting that there are at least two characteristics of the American governmental system that surely must test the patience and adroitness of presidents, prime ministers and foreign ministers in every country, but especially those countries that are our allies and those countries the US might have on its problem list.

First, my country does not have a parliamentary form of government. We have the US Congress, which in contrast to other nations' legislatures, has more inherent powers that it can and often does exercise quite independently and contradictorily from the president and the executive branch. American legislators can and frequently do act and vote quite independently from their leaders or political party. In addition, in a large country with a huge domestic market and relative physical isolation from other countries, as compared with the size and geographic proximity of European or Asian nations, American legislators are, not surprisingly, on average, less knowledgeable and less interested in foreign affairs.


Combine those characteristics of the American congressional system with the fact that a high percentage of American presidents come from governorship with little or no substantial experience or expertise in foreign affairs or national security issues, and you have an American ally that often gives very mixed and inconsistent signals and dramatic policy shifts for interpretation by both friends and foes.

All of this discourse on the unique characteristics of the American congressional/presidential system is to emphasise the importance of strong, steadfast, patient allies who will try to understand the American governmental system and proclivities, but especially when necessary, candidly tell us when our actions and programs are contradictory, counterproductive, or flat-out wrong. Australia has the characteristics and, I believe, the motivation to be such an ally and I truly hope you will be even more persistent in giving your counsel to the US Government.

I am convinced that the Australian-American alliance will remain strong if it is properly fostered with all due attention to its importance — and if both our countries jointly, candidly consult on international affairs and then carefully, wisely pursue our respective national interests. It's a wise man who chooses his closest friends with both head and heart; the same is true for nations.

This is an excerpt from the Alfred Deakin lecture delivered by Doug Bereuter in Melbourne last night. He is president of The Asia Foundation and is visiting as a member of the Australian-American Leadership Dialogue.

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