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Wednesday, June 28, 2006

WMR has reported on the explosive information

June 28, 2006 -- WMR has reported on the explosive information from two Iraqi War Army counter-intelligence veterans that they uncovered materials and documents proving that some of Saddam Hussein's chemical and biological weapons were provided in 1988 by The Carlyle Group, through Spanish and French intermediaries. WMR has learned that pre-cursor and recombinant chemicals used in Iraqi WMDs were provided by a Texas petrochemical company and a chemical/biological toxin firm in which George H. W. Bush held and continues to hold a financial stake.

In April 2003, counter-intelligence personnel with the 223rd Military Intelligence Battalion, California Army National Guard, discovered, with the help of an Iraqi Air Force Chief Warrant Officer, aerial bombs specially configured for delivering chemical and biological weapons. The discovery was made at Al Bakr Air Base, some 60 miles north of Baghdad. In all, 29 crates containing the bombs were discovered.

Dave DeBatto, one of the counter-intelligence agents who discovered the bombs, wrote,

"He [the Iraqi Warrant Officer] pointed to the midsection of the bomb and to what appeared to be a small, thin metal door or covering bolted shut with small metal pins and possibly covering a slot or chamber. Inside, ]the Warrant Officer], explained, was a small parachute. He told us that after the bomb was dropped from the aircraft, the metal covering was blown open and the parachute deployed at about two hundred feet, slowing the descent of the bomb. A chemical agent, which was located in another chamber located at the rear of the bomb, was then dispersed into the air in an aerosol spray and spread over as large an area as the prevailing winds allowed.

[The Warrant Officer] led us around to the rear of the bomb and pointed to the tail assembly. It had a circular piece of metal connected to spokes in a conventional sort of design, but the similarity stopped there. Where ordinarily the rear end of a conventional high explosive bomb would taper into a point, this bomb had apparently had the tail section cut off about six inches from the tip resulting in a flat, circular end. Into that flat end, a small handle was inserted like one on a drawer. [The Warrant Officer] motioned with his hand near the handle and said that this device was twisted in order to open the compartment and then the technician pulled the drawer out and inserted a chemical agent in the slot. When finished, the drawer was reinserted into the bomb and the handle was once again secured."

The Iraqi Warrant Officer was proud that he managed to hide the bombs from UN weapons inspectors over the years since Operation Desert Storm. According to information provided to WMR, Saddam's decision to hide these particular weapons from the UN actually protected the ultimate source of the chemical and biological weapons -- companies directly linked to George H. W. Bush and James Baker.

DeBatto wrote, "I opened the folded off-white paper form and noticed several interesting things right away. The bombs had been purchased in the United States in 1988 from what appeared to be a government contractor called The Carlyle Group. I am almost embarrassed now to say that I had not heard of The Carlyle Group at that time so the name meant nothing to me. The only reason I remember it at all is that I was amazed that the bill was in English and I was stunned to see that a bomb that was used by Iraq in delivering chemical WMD – the only WMD found during the entire Iraq war – was in fact supplied to Saddam Hussein by the United States. Un-blanking believable."

However, there is more to this story, much more.

The Bush/Baker-influenced Carlyle Group profiteered from the Iraq-Iran War in the late 1980s. In the late 1980s and early 90s, illegal U.S. weapons shipments to Iraq became the subject of an intensive investigation by the House Banking Committee Chairman, Rep. Henry Gonzalez of Texas. This is what Sen. Edward Kennedy said of Gonzalez at the award ceremony presenting him with the 1994 President John F. Kennedy Profile in Courage Award, "The achievement of banking reform might have been enough courage for most elected officials — but not Henry Gonzalez. The following year, he launched the "Iraqgate" investigation that exposed the role of the Atlanta branch o£ an Italian bank and the involvement of the U.S. Commodities Credit Corporation and Reagan and Bush Administration officials in the illegal sale of U.S. arms to Iraq leading up to Iraq's invasion of Kuwait and the Gulf War. The Bush Administration first asked — and then pressured - Chairman Gonzalez to drop the investigation, on the ground that national security would be compromised. But Chairman Gonzalez saw through that flimsy pretext, and the rest is history."

From the reports of Gonzalez's Banking Committee and two law suits by Desert Storm veterans suffering from Gulf War Syndrome against two Texas-based companies named as sources of chemical and biological weapons for Iraq in court filings, WMR can report that George H. W. Bush and James Baker were directly involved in providing WMDs to Saddam Hussein using then-private businessman Donald Rumsfeld as an intermediary. U.S. Army counter-intelligence agents report to WMR that they and British WMD clean-up personnel were used as a janitorial team to get rid of evidence linking U.S. firms, including Carlyle, Phillips Petroleum (now Conoco Phillips), and Tanox Biosystems of Houston in providing deadly chemical and biological agents to Iraq in violation of UN sanctions. In addition, another Bush-connected corporation, Bechtel, was investigated by Gonzalez for providing not only chemical and biological production materials to Iraq but pressuring the U.S. Export-Import (EX-IM) Bank to underwrite loans for the construction of an Iraq-Aqaba, Jordan oil pipeline. [Vice President Dick Cheney's hand picked President of the EX-IM Bank, publishing magnate Phillip Merrill, was recently found in the Chesapeake Bay with a shotgun blast to the head and weighed down with an anchor].

On February 24, 1992, Gonzalez made the following remarks on the floor of the House concerning Bechtel, the first Bush administration, and the EX-IM Bank:

". . . the State Department and the White House would pressure the EX-IM Bank repeatedly to gain access to guaranteed financing for Iraqi projects. The most prominent of these projects was an Iraqi oil pipeline with an outlet at the Red Sea Port of Aqaba, Jordan. This contract alone was worth $1 billion for its contractor, Bechtel, the California engineering conglomerate. Secretary of State George Shultz and Bechtel had a longstanding business relationship. As a matter of fact, Secretary Shultz came from Bechtel, and he came back from Bechtel. He worked at Bechtel prior to becoming Secretary of State and, as I say and repeat, he went back immediately upon leaving the State Department. Other high officials in the Reagan administration involved in this project including President Bush, the current Deputy Secretary of State, Lawrence Eagleburger, former Attorney General Ed Meese, former NSC Director Robert McFarlane, and former CIA Director William Casey. At various times, every one of them contacted the EX-IM Bank to obtain financing for the Aqaba pipeline project. These officials all had one thing in common–they saw EX-IM Bank financing as crucial to United States-Iraq relations... Clearly, the highest levels of the administration placed tremendous importance on the Aqaba pipeline project. On June 19, 1984, the EX-IM Bank’s Board met and not surprisingly approved a preliminary commitment of $484 million for the Aqaba pipeline for Bechtel. As a side note, the report read: Under normal peaceful circumstances, this project would not be economically viable. Can you imagine that? Under normal circumstances this project would not be viable. Oh, but it involves Bechtel. But Bechtel, as President Eisenhower said, is a mighty component of this great industrial defense complex, which in effect has been determining policy for our country, and particularly in the last two administrations."

The EX-IM Bank authorized the sale of chemical weapons to Iraq in the 1980s. On Dec. 20, 2002, The Washington Post reported, "An Export-Import Bank official reported in a memorandum that he could find 'no reason' to stop the sale [pesticides to Iraq from Dow Chemical], despite evidence that the pesticides were 'highly toxic' to humans and would cause death 'from asphyxiation'."

Bechtel also counted Ronald Reagan's Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger as a General Counsel; CIA Director Richard Helms (whose niece was the U.S. envoy of the Taliban and helped negotiate another pipeline deal (trans-Afghan CentGas) that would partly result in the 9-11 "Al Qaeda" attacks on the United States) as a consultant; and Ross Connelly, George W. Bush's chief financial officer of the Overseas Private Investment Corporation (and another conduit of slush finds to the Iraq Coalition Provisional Authority) as head of Bechtel Investments.

During his probe of U.S. military support for Saddam, Chairman Gonzalez also investigated another Iraqi pipeline consortium partner, Brown & Root, now Kellogg Brown & Root, a subsidiary of Halliburton, headed after the Bush I administration by Dick Cheney.

Gonzalez, in a letter to President George H. W. Bush on May 2, 1991, brought up the names of a number of other Republicans in the illegal WMD trade with Iraq >>>cont

***WayneMadsenReport***

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